On June 1, voters in Denmark will participate in a referendum on whether or not to finish the nation’s opt-out from EU defence coverage, which prohibits Denmark from collaborating in EU defence issues. Which means that when the EU deploys personnel below its widespread safety and defence coverage, Denmark participates in civilian however not army operations.
This was one in every of 4 preparations secured when Danes voted “no” to the 1992 Maastricht treaty to ascertain the EU. Together with defence coverage, Denmark opted out of the euro, justice and residential affairs. The European Council additionally agreed to a Danish declaration that EU citizenship may solely ever complement nationwide citizenship – not exchange it. These 4 preparations for Denmark persuaded voters to assist the Maastricht treaty in a second referendum in 1993.
The citizenship association later grew to become the norm for all member states by way of the 1997 Amsterdam treaty, which ratified that EU citizenship is supplementary to citizenship of a member state and can’t exchange it.
The choice to carry a vote on the defence opt-out reveals a deeper shift in EU constitutional politics. Confronted with contentious points, governments are more and more turning to single-issue referendums.
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 modified the safety state of affairs in Europe in a heartbeat. Finland and Sweden beforehand opted to stay outdoors Nato however have now submitted purposes. Denmark, a founding member of Nato, is now pressured to rethink its international coverage, together with its arm’s-length relationship with the EU.
Confronted with a battle on its japanese border, and the arrival of greater than 4 million Ukrainian refugees, the EU has agreed to provide deadly weapons to Ukraine – the primary time it has performed so for any nation. EU member states additionally agreed to commit as much as 5,000 troops to a brand new fast response drive, and to interact in reside workout routines on land and sea. That is a part of a brand new technique to make the EU a stronger army actor.
Denmark can not take part in such efforts, doubtlessly leaving it extra weak to exterior threats than most EU member states. The EU’s mutual defence clause ensures help and help from different member states when one is topic to aggression. It stays unclear the extent to which Denmark can invoke or profit from that provision, given its particular standing.
A coalition of 4 Danish political events proposed the referendum in March, calling on Danes to reverse the opt-out. If the Danish folks vote to take away the opt-out, Denmark will be capable to absolutely take part in EU army operations and cooperate on the expansion of EU army capabilities, whereas additionally rising its personal army finances. If the folks vote no, Denmark will stay outdoors EU defence coverage, which can proceed to develop with out it.
Single subject referendums
Previously, nationwide governments primarily regarded to nationwide parliaments to approve modifications to their nations’ relationship with the EU. However persistent issues of public belief in each governments and parliaments make it tough for these establishments alone to present their consent to EU insurance policies and questions of European integration.
Since 1972, almost 50 referendums have been held on points referring to the EU, the most typical being treaty revision or a choice to hitch the EU. Our analysis reveals the rising significance of single-issue referendums centered on particular insurance policies or questions on European integration. Member states are not often obliged to carry single-issue referendums. They select to take action when the way in which they often interact with the EU is below pressure. Examples embrace Greece’s 2015 referendum on negotiations with the EU and Worldwide Financial Fund, Hungary’s 2016 referendum on the relocation of refugees and the UK’s 2016 vote to depart the EU.
After Denmark secured its 4 opt-outs from parts of the Maastricht treaty, the political consensus was {that a} referendum could be required to decide into any of those areas. This was not a authorized however a political requirement – and it established single-issue referendums as integral to how Denmark participates within the EU.
Within the June 1 referendum, Danish voters will determine on whether or not to alter the nation’s defence relationship with the EU.
oleschwander / Shutterstock
To this point, two opt-in referendums have been held in Denmark, however haven’t resulted in change. In 2000, voters rejected becoming a member of the euro regardless of widespread assist from political events and commerce union leaders.
In 2015, a referendum on ending the nation’s opt-out from EU justice and residential affairs additionally led to defeat.
Voting towards the federal government
Denmark isn’t any remoted case. Of the six single-issue EU referendums referred to as by governments since 2000, 4 went towards the preferences of the federal government. And Hungary’s controversial refugee relocation referendum resulted within the “no” vote that the federal government sought, however did not safe the required turnout. Greece’s authorities received a “no” vote towards the phrases of monetary help from its worldwide collectors, however this made little sensible distinction to negotiations.
This makes Denmark’s upcoming referendum politically fraught, with polls giving the “sure” facet an unconvincing lead, given the massive share of undecideds. The truth that 4 political events have proposed the referendum means it is not going to merely be a vote on the recognition of the federal government. It can even be on the only subject of whether or not voters assume the safety state of affairs has modified sufficient to permit “extra EU” in Denmark.
The Danish authorities has already promised that ought to the EU search to ascertain a supranational military, there could be one more referendum to determine whether or not Denmark would take part. Regardless of the consequence, single-issue referendums will stay a function of EU constitutional politics.
The authors don’t work for, seek the advice of, personal shares in or obtain funding from any firm or organisation that may profit from this text, and have disclosed no related affiliations past their educational appointment.
